The New Conservative

An independent Scotland will need more than William Wallace to defend her.

In my recent article The SNP: a handcart away from Hell, I considered how the per capita GDP of both Scotland and England were similar, with England recently having taken a slight lead. I also indicated how fragile the Scottish economy was with oil and gas revenues declining, possibly to zero as eco-fascism takes hold. Scotland is also propped up by the enormous Barnett formula, which outstrips combined revenue from the three ‘big ones’ the average nationalist will roll out when you question the financial viability of an independent Scotland: oil; whisky and tourism.

It is notable that, while global aid to Africa (population 1,397,783,739) amounts to £38.5 billion, the recent total for the Barnett formula is £32 billion (and rising). Scotland (population 5,454,000) is, essentially, a third world country; at least, without the Barnett formula it would most certainly be one. It is also worth noting that, notwithstanding the proximity of the per capita GDP figures north and south of the border, total GDP differs by an order of magnitude (£1.9TN in England compared with £166BN in Scotland).

It matters not what your population is, the cost of some items is not directly proportional to the size of your population. Take defence; if you are going to maintain a credible defence force—in Scotland’s case a Scottish armed forces—then your outlay on that is going to be considerable. The current annual UK defence budget is £45 billion to which Scottish revenue contributes 10%. But Scotland does not have a defence budget of its own and defence is not one of the devolved powers to the Scottish government. Instead, for a minimal contribution Scotland is defended by the British Army and benefits economically by procurement contracts of approximately £2 billion, not to mention the 10,000 British armed forces stationed there.

An independent Scotland aims to join both NATO and The UN, although both organisations say that membership would not be automatic and UN membership could take up to ten years to achieve. These aims demonstrate how a large part of what the SNP aspires to is within the realms of fantasy. It also demonstrates their astronomical sense of entitlement. To join NATO, Scotland would be expecting to be protected in the event of threat or invasion, without being able to contribute to the defence of any other NATO member. It is unlikely that Scotland would have or could afford a functioning army of its own.

British troops would be withdrawn to other parts of the UK and it is unlikely that Scottish members of the armed forces located in Scotland would be willing to remain there, leave the British Army, present pronouns and join a woke Tartan Army under the control of Commandress-in-Chief, President Sturgeon. The SNP have risibly offered to rent RAF Lossiemouth to the RAF. Unable to afford their own air force, instead, they intend to charge a foreign power for the privilege of providing them with one. This is another astonishing example of the Scottish nationalist sense of entitlement and a typical overestimation of the extent to which anyone will cooperate with them. I can see the higher echelons of the RAF Air Command at High Wycombe rolling about helpless with laughter at the suggestion.

Furthermore, the SNP are committed to destroying the UK’s nuclear defence capability jeopardising 6000 jobs, according to estimates. Nuclear disarmament is a worthy aim, but not if you are willing to accept the nuclear umbrella offered by nuclear armed NATO countries while lecturing others and virtue signalling about your own lack of nuclear weapons on the world stage. However, the likelihood of an independent Scotland being invaded is remote. What would be left there that anyone could possibly want?

 

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