There is officially no two-tier policing in Britain. We know this, because the great and the good have told us, explicitly, to listen to them and above all, to stop believing our lying eyes. Prime Minister Starmer denies the existence of two-tier policing, having previously referred to it as “a non-issue”. The Mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, “doesn’t subscribe to the view” that there is two-tier policing – which is about as firm a denial as you’ll get from him. Deputy PM, David Lammy, has referred to two-tier policing as “a caricature of Britain”; not one he recognises. And when have you ever known these people to lie?
As if that were not good enough, the second XI of race relations experts has been wheeled out to slay this behemoth once and for all. Sir Mark ‘Jihad has many meanings’ Rowley, Shabana ‘Free Palestine’ Mahmood, the UK Home Office (“We’ll strike rather than deport foreign criminals”) and even Baroness Doreen Lawrence (who once so willingly exposed institutional police failings) have all stared into the petri dish and seen nothing amiss. Perhaps they should try taking the lens cap off the microscope first.
For the sake of argument, however, let us examine some of these ridiculous, cherry-picked examples of so-called “two-tier policing” – the kind that only far-right, white supremacist, knuckle-dragging thugs (a.k.a. native Brits) could possibly mistake for evidence.
Take the knee
Granted, in 2020 the British police, Premier League footballers (who normally only drop to one knee when feigning injury), politicians, celebrities and CEOs all took the knee for George Floyd. Even Prime Minister Starmer and then-Deputy Angela Rayner posed for the cameras, solemnly declaring they were kneeling “to oppose anti-Black racism”.
We kneel with all those opposing anti-Black racism. #BlackLivesMatter pic.twitter.com/ZvjBndwqKk
— Keir Starmer (@Keir_Starmer) June 9, 2020
Yet when protesters in Southampton begged officers to take the knee for murdered teenager Henry Nowak, the police stood ramrod straight and refused. That’s a curious state of affairs, because the same forces who were happy to kneel for a drug-addled career criminal halfway across the world suddenly discovered they had spines when the victim was a British teenager saying “I can’t breathe” while handcuffed.
🚨ANGRY PROTESTORS DEMAND POLICE TAKE A KNEE FOR HENRY NOWAK
They did it for BLM why not for white victims? pic.twitter.com/6gJshJ5Ayr
— Basil the Great (@BasilTheGreat) June 2, 2026
Weapons and cultural exemptions
By law, Sikhs in Britain are permitted to carry a small ceremonial knife, known as a kirpan. Brits meanwhile, are generally not permitted to carry weapons. The law is invariably relaxed, however, around certain non-white communities. During the Southport riots, tooled-up Muslim mobs were gently asked by police to “stash the weapons at the mosque”. At the Notting Hill Carnival, officers are notoriously reluctant to use stop-and-search lest they be deemed racist – and, of course, lest it interfere with the annual record-breaking knife crime that has become something of a custom. Many have been quick to point out that Vickrum Digwa did not, in fact, use the legally protected kirpan as his murder weapon – he preferred the second, larger blade (a Nihang-style Shasta) he was not entitled to carry. This, apparently, raises no awkward questions whatsoever about the right to bear arms in modern Britain.
National Police Chiefs’ Council guidelines
The most damning passages are the following:
“Racism is a very real issue in policing. We acknowledge the problems we have had with racism in the past and still have today. We are sorry for the damage racism has caused and continues to cause. Racism – regardless of whether it is individual, institutional or systemic – is completely and utterly unacceptable, and has no place in our profession. It is not enough for us to not be racist or to claim not to be racist. Anti-racism demands that we are proactive, which is consistent with our legal duties and code of ethics. It also requires us to remain vigilant, because racism is insidious and will always be a threat to our model of policing by consent.”
And, more troubling still:
“Our commitment to racial equity means producing equality of policing outcomes for people from different ethnic groups by responding to individuals and communities according to their specific needs, circumstances and experiences, with understanding that these will be racialised and with the aim of reducing harm. It does not mean treating everyone ‘the same’ or being ‘colour blind’ (racial equality).”
So that’s the Peelian principle of policing “without fear or favour” firmly out the window.
Riot disparities
During the Harehills riots in 2024, a police car was overturned, a bus was torched and emergency workers were attacked. The police made a tactical retreat, turned tail and ran. By contrast, the unrest post Southport (and Southampton in the Nowak case), was met by riot police en masse; happy to be heavy-handed, even when protestors were doing nothing more inflammatory than peacefully sitting on a wall. Different circumstances, you see. One mustn’t be simplistic.
Protest policing follows the same elegant logic. Vast pro-Palestine marches featuring disruption, inflammatory chants and, on occasion, open antisemitism are frequently managed with reference to “community tensions”, with Jews forced to hide their identity or leave the area because they look “openly Jewish”. Native British or anti-mass-migration gatherings, on the other hand, tend to be met with a little less than kid gloves. Again, context matters. As a shorthand, it’s fair to say you can judge the police response by the melanin level of the protestors.
Sentencing disparities
This is nothing short of an art form. White working-class lads have received three to five years for the unpardonable crimes of pushing a wheelie bin or lobbing a traffic cone. Lucy Connolly was given 31 months for a single ill-judged tweet. Yet when dealing with members of the Rotherham and Rochdale grooming gangs – men who spent years raping and trafficking thousands of British girls, the judiciary suddenly discovered wells of compassion. Mitigating factors, we were solemnly told, included the impact on the offender’s own children, their cultural background, and even the touching revelation that the perpetrator had “never drunk alcohol before”.
The guiding principle is now wonderfully clear: it doesn’t matter if what you said wasn’t racist – if the right complainant claims it was, the cuffs go on before you can bleed to death. Anti-White sentiment, by contrast, requires a rather more rigorous standard of proof. One might almost call it two-tier justice. But that, naturally, would be a dangerous myth.
Police recruitment
Appearing not to be racist has become a far greater priority for the top brass than actually being effective. Chief Constables have even openly admitted they are willing to break the law to hit non-white recruitment quotas, as former Cheshire Chief Constable Simon Byrne confirmed back in 2015. White candidates are routinely blocked from hiring even when they are clearly the best person for the job, and are dismissed for issues as minor as “criticising Islam”. Any white candidates who do make it through, are faced with mandatory ‘unconscious bias’, ‘anti-racism’ and “inclusion matters” training across the country. Internal surveys reveal officers felt pressured, creating a culture of fear in terms of racism accusations.
Diversity, it seems, is not merely a goal. It is the goal. Effectiveness is optional.
Hate crime
While I am no fan of the ridiculous “non-crime hate incident”, if you’re going to have these things then they ought at least to operate across the board. Alas, that is not the case. The UK constabulary effectively ignores ‘hate speech’ against whites. This is not just unfortunate for native Brits, but also the police themselves. After all, as Facebook’s own internal research revealed, some 90% of online hate is directed at white people and men. One would have thought this might provide the pen-pushers with almost unlimited excuse to remain safely behind their desks. Instead, they appear strangely determined to ignore their own data.
The Special Relationship
The US State Department has recently urged Britain to reject two-tier policing. While many commentators have attempted to dodge the issue by claiming America has no business getting involved in our internal affairs (especially those who spent the past decade criticising President Trump and campaigning for Kamala Harris), I consider this incursion a useful weather vane for UK PLC. If the United States of America is criticising your record on race relations, I suspect you’re on a rather sticky wicket.
Of course, it is only far-right, cocaine-snorting Tommy Robinson fanboys who could possibly look at this constellation of events and detect a pattern. There is no two-tier policing. There is only one tier – the correct, progressive, outcome-focused one. And if you cannot see that, then perhaps you’re so far-right you actually believe White Lives Matter.
Having said all that, from what we learned this week the solution to Britain’s woes is now obvious. All we need to do is convince the government that illegal migrants breaking into the country (and our daughters) are not, in fact, doing anything of the sort. They are simply pushing wheelie bins, throwing traffic cones and writing tweets that would frighten the focus-groups.
Problem solved.
Frank Haviland is the author of Banalysis: The Lie Destroying the West and The Frank Report Substack.
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“…and even Baroness Doreen Lawrence (who once so willingly exposed institutional police failings) have all stared into the petri dish and seen nothing amiss. ”
That the mother of Stephen Lawrence, alleged victim of institutionalised police racism when he was murdered by a group of white boys in 1993, should fail to speak out against this patently obvious case of police racism, speaks volumes about human nature and the dangers inherent in the UK Honours system. Then she was merely Doreen Lawrence, mother of the murdered Stephen Lawrence; now she is BARONESS Doreen Lawrence. Sad. I wonder if she will re-assess her opinion in the light of today’s news that the police intervened in the trial to seek to portray Henry as the aggressor. I just said I wondered – I’m not (remotely) hopeful.
Another superb commentary from Frank Haviland on this dreadful case.